1881-1970
Alexander Kerensky was a remarkable and heroic liberal idealist who played an important role in the Russian Revolution but was ultimately swallowed up in an Age of Anger and lost his battle to establish liberalism in Russia (Lipatova 267). Educated at the University of St Petersburg as a student of history and classical languages and then as a lawyer, Kerensky started his legal career defending activists who had been charged with political crimes during the first Revolution of 1905 (Darby 48). Throughout his political career he stood for reform and human rights and was one of the leading representatives in the Russian Parliament (“The Duma”) (Rendle 929). Kerensky believed that with increasing industrialization and modernization of Russia in the 19th century the political system needed to be modernized. Kerensky believed that only democratic renewal and freedom would move Russia into the modern age (Darby 52). He also strongly believed that the system of autocracy after 300 years of the rule of Romanov Tsars was outdated and that a constitutional democracy as existed in England was a far better system. Kerensky was a leading spokesman for reform (Darby 52). He was a nationalist and after Russia joined the Great War in 1914 he maintained that Russia’s future was to defend itself against Germany and Austria-Hungary and to align itself with more democratic countries such as England and France (Lipatova 274). He opposed corruption in the system under the Tsarist system and he protested when the Czar suspended sittings of the Duma. After three years of an exhausting and losing War with 7,000,000 Russian casualties, there were extreme food shortages and civil unrest in St Petersburg, which led to Tsar Nicholas II’s loss of civil control and his abdication (Rappaport 20). A provisional government was appointed with representatives from the Duma, the only existing institution which had not been discredited by the Tsarist regime (Rappaport 20). Alexander Kerensky who was seen as a star in the Duma was appointed Minister of Justice. Two months later following a vote in the Duma to continue to support the war, Kerensky became Minister of War and in July Kerensky became Prime Minister at the young age of 36. Kerensky’s success at the time of the February Revolution and for the eight months which followed was attributable to the fact that Russia was like “a volcano” (Rappaport 39). In this system Kerensky was seen as “a man of action” and “a man who seemed bound to become the government’s main spring” (Rappaport 151). He made concessions to the Soviets and the Bolsheviks to try to get their support, delivered amnesty to political prisoners, abolished the death penalty and recognized freedom of speech, press, assembly and strikes (Rappaport 139). The Bolsheviks were initially prepared to bide its time to gather more strength at least until Lenin returned to St Petersburg from political exile. Ironically, it was Kerensky’s amnesty that allowed Lenin to return to Russia. The high point of Kerensky’s support and power came in July 1917 when an attempted rebellion by the Bolsheviks failed. From that high point to October, Kerensky and his provisional government were unable to keep the lid on the volcano. Perhaps his biggest mistake was that he became closely too identified with War and supported an unsuccessful offensive in July called “The Kerensky Offensive” (Rendle 929). His government was sabotaged by the army which became restless and under General Kornilov attempted a coup to gain more power. This failed coup only highlighted Kerensky’s weakness. There was a cholera epidemic in St Petersburg, continued food shortages and protests, unrest and strikes (Rendle 929). Kerensky personally was overwhelmed by all the problems facing the country and lost the common touch and support of the people (Rappaport 229). Finally in October 1917 the Bolsheviks who had been quietly reorganizing in the background under Lenin’s leadership appealed to the people with the promises of “Peace, Land and Bread” and “All power to the Soviets” which was too powerful for the Kerensky government to overcome (Rappaport 229). The Kerensky government collapsed being unable to exercise control and was replaced ironically by an oppressive communist dictatorship which murdered anyone threatening its power including the Tsar and his family and any other opposition. Kerensky fled the country to live in the United States where he died in 1970 (Darby 51). Kerensky, like Gorbachev in the 1980s, was an advocate of progress, reform and liberalism. Like Gorbachev, Kerensky was unable to marshall liberalism to defeat counter-revolution and dictatorship. Kerensky was an important character in the Russian Revolution and he championed change and hope. Although he was a rising star during times of anger, he and his quest for liberalism ultimately flamed out within an all too brief eight month experiment in power.
Liam O’Brien
Works Cited
Darby, Graham. “KERENSKY in HINDSIGHT: Alexander Kerensky, the Last Russian Premier Before the Bolsheviks Took Power, Decided to Continue the War with Germany. He and His Country Would Pay the Price.” History Today, vol. 67, no. 7, July 2017, pp. 48-53. EBSCOhost,libaccess.mcmaster.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?dire ct=true&db=ahl&AN=123878502&site=ehost-live&scope=site.
Lipatova, Nadezhda V. “On the Verge of the Collapse of Empire: Images of Alexander Kerensky and Mikhail Gorbachev.” Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 65, no. 2, Mar. 2013, pp. 264-289. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1080/09668136.2012.759715.
Rappaport, Helen. Caught In The Revolution: Petrograd, Russia, 1917-A World On The Edge. New York: St. Matin’s Press, 2017.
Rendle, Matthew. “The Officer Corps, Professionalism, and Democracy in the Russian Revolution.” Historical Journal, vol. 51, no. 4, Dec. 2008, pp. 921-942. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1017/S0018246X08007139.